Turkey’s Syria policy is often portrayed as a case of foreign policy failure driven by ideology. According to this view, Ankara abandoned realism in favor of Islamist enthusiasm during the Arab Spring and later returned to pragmatism after paying significant political and strategic costs. While this narrative highlights an important shift, it relies on a simplified understanding of the relationship between ideas and foreign policy.

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) emerged as a dominant military and territorial actor in eastern Syria following the U.S.-led campaign against ISIS. Their control of large areas has created sustained tension with Turkey, which views the SDF as an extension of the PKK. Turkey’s opposition to an independent SDF military structure, alongside Damascus’s efforts to reassert authority in eastern Syria, has made the status of the YPG, the SDF’s armed wing, a central issue in the negotiations, including the most recent talks in December.

The current negotiations and phone diplomacy have essentially boiled down to one key question: where Maduro will end up when he finally leaves power. Turkey has emerged as the most realistic destination for Maduro if he is pushed to leave power.

As geopolitical escalation intensifies across Eurasia, middle powers are facing more challenges—ensuring their national interests while not fixating on great powers’ shifting priorities. Situated far apart geographically, Turkey and South Korea rarely appear together in strategic discussions. However, the two countries share striking similarities. Both countries have built significant industrial capacities, face revisionist neighbors, act within the boundaries of the US-led alliance structure, yet maneuver more independently at the same time, pursuing strategic autonomy within the fragmented international order.

The foreign ministers of Turkey and Egypt met in Ankara on Wednesday for the first session of the Joint Planning Group. Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty was also received by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Such routine meetings, which Turkey holds with many countries, provide a useful moment to review where relations stand and how current dynamics may shape future cooperation.

1990’ların başında Sovyetlerin dağılmasıyla birlikte, Türki cumhuriyetler bağımsızlıklarını kazandı ve Orta Asya yeniden jeopolitik bir hareketliliğe sahne oldu. Bu bölge artık yalnızca Rusya’nın değil, Çin’in, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin ve hatta Türkiye’nin de ilgi alanında bulunuyor.

This report analyzes Turkey’s vision for Syria following the fall of the Assad family and the rise of the HTS under the leadership of Ahmad al-Sharaa. In this regard, it focuses on the foreign actors that, alongside Turkey, now have the greatest ability to shape Syria’s future: namely the United States and Israel.

This study evaluates, through long-term projections to 2053, the potential impact of increased EV penetration on Turkey’s energy landscape. It provides a comparative assessment of how changes in the share of EVs within the total vehicle fleet, across several scenario frameworks, could influence fuel demand and petroleum import volumes. A second, closely related objective is to measure the scale of Turkey’s oil dependency in order to establish a basis for examining its policy implications.

This study focuses on the geopolitical dimensions and constraints shaping Turkey’s ambition to become a natural gas hub. The emphasis is on Turkey’s diplomatic relations with key supplier countries, the political instability across the wider Middle East, and the limited capacity of neighboring states to produce and export gas reliably—factors that collectively can make or undermine Turkey’s hub ambitions.

The Turkey–EU Customs Union, established in 1995, has been a defining feature of trade relations between Turkey and the European Union. Over the past three decades, the global economic landscape has evolved significantly, necessitating a modernization of the agreement to address new trade realities, regulatory developments, and emerging geopolitical challenges.

'A gift from God' was one of Erdoğan's first descriptions related to coup attempt in July 15. At first no one realized that God's gift meant a chaotic environment in which he needed to declare a national emergency with no checks and balances and then transform Türkiye’s parliamentary democracy into an executive presidency.

This submission to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) highlights severe issues undermining the integrity of Türkiye's judiciary, particularly focusing on rampant judicial corruption and impunity as well as human rights abuses which they facilitate. Based on the most recent incidents of corruption concerning members of the judiciary who serve in courts in Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara, this report seeks to examine the high-level corruption within the judiciary and the Turkish government’s failure or even willful ignorance in addressing it.