Onlarca ülkede İsrail diplomatik misyonu bulunmasına ve İsraillilerin turist olarak dünyanın birçok ülkesine gidiyor olmasına rağmen, İran’ın bu suikastlere misilleme yapmak için Türkiye’yi tercih etmesinin çeşitli nedenleri bulunuyor.

The military operations carried out by the Turkish armed forces in Syria and Iraq play an important role in securing not only the country’s borders but also shaping Turkey’s domestic politics. On the one hand, Turkish generals want to extend the buffer zone between Turkey and YPG, an entity with a close relationship with the PKK, whenever an opportunity arises.

NATO member countries are seeking clarity on Turkey's view of the accession of Finland and Sweden to NATO. If it is taken at face value, accusing Sweden and Finland of being a nest of terrorist organizations may not make much sense. It is more likely that their bid to join NATO is collateral for Erdoğan’s long demands from the US government.

AKP Genel Başkanı ve Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan, "Biz şu anda İsveç ve Finlandiya'yla ilgili gelişmeleri takip ediyoruz ama olumlu bir düşünce içerisinde değiliz… İskandinav ülkeleri ne yazık ki terör örgütlerinin adeta misafirhanesi gibi. PKK'sı, DHKP-C'si İsveç'te, Hollanda'da yuvalanmış durumdalar. Oraların hatta daha da ileri gidiyorum parlamentolarında da yer alıyorlar. Bu noktada bizim olumlu bakmamız mümkün değil" şeklinde konuştu.

To begin with, Ankara’s current efforts to normalize its relations with its neighbors primarily rely on Turkey’s desire to boost its economy by expanding its export markets and attracting investments. But unlike other wealthy countries such as the United Arab Emirates, Israel, and Saudi Arabia, the normalization with Armenia does not present a similar prospect in terms of commercial activities.

Turkish-Saudi relations soured following the overthrow of the Muslim Brotherhood supported by Turkey in 2013 in Egypt, while Saudi Arabia has been one of the main sponsors of General Sisi. The bilateral relations went from bad to worse with Ankara’s unwavering support to Doha during the conflict between Qatar and its neighbors led by Saudi Arabia in 2017. The murder of columnist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul in 2018 and the subsequent developments were the last straw that totally broke the political relations.

This submission to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) highlights severe issues undermining the integrity of Türkiye's judiciary, particularly focusing on rampant judicial corruption and impunity as well as human rights abuses which they facilitate. Based on the most recent incidents of corruption concerning members of the judiciary who serve in courts in Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara, this report seeks to examine the high-level corruption within the judiciary and the Turkish government’s failure or even willful ignorance in addressing it.

This report focuses on Turkey's prominence as an emerging market for cocaine trafficking and organized crime in the last decade. Cocaine production in Latin America has dramatically increased since 2013, and Turkey’s status as an emerging market has attracted the attention of Latin American government officials on the front lines of the cocaine trade.

This report sets out to provide a comprehensive analysis of the tactics employed by the Erdoğan administration to achieve repressive goals abroad and the vulnerabilities and how they are enabled by the AML and CFT regulation in place.

This submission highlights the ongoing systematic actions and omissions by Turkish authorities against the so-called members of the Gulen Group, framed as crimes against humanity. It demonstrates the violations of recommendations that even Türkiye has supported.

This report offers an update to the United Nations Committee against Torture (the Committee) regarding the obstacles to implementing the Convention against Torture (the Convention) in Turkey. As a coalition formed by a collective of former Turkish diplomats, our focus is on the systematic torture faced by former diplomats detained at Ankara Police Headquarters. We delve into the Turkish context and present insights from our organization.

His electoral victory in May 2023 gave President Erdoğan five more years to further consolidate his power, eviscerate institutions, fill the bureaucracy with yes-men and expand his corruption network. This, of course, raises questions about the Turkish political system’s chances of recovery, the prospects for democratization after Erdogan and the regime’s tolerance for his demise.